Français
Quebec
Liberal
Party
9 years in office
2003 to 2012
More than 100 aberrations,
scandals, deceptions and lies
Environment and Natural Resources

1.
The Theft of the Century – Anticosti and Gaspesia

Hydro-Québec (secretly) sold the Anticosti Island to Pétrolia and Junex, on the pretext of not realizing its potential of $40 Billion ($100/barrel = $4000 Billion). Many Pétrolia and Junex board members happen to be former Hydro-Québec employees who did prospecting, including Érick Adam. Former Hydro-Québec CEO André Caillé (see point 52) is on Junex’ board since 2008. Co-founder of Junex Jean-Yves Lavoie worked for SOQUIP (Québec Oil Initiative Corporation) from 1974 to 1980 as a petroleum engineer. Another member of the board, Jacques Aubert, was a part of management, then president of SOQUIP at the end of the 90s. Peter Dorrins, chief of operations for Junex, was head of the oil and gas division at Hydro-Québec from 2003 to 2006. In fact, the spokesperson for Groupe Maître Chez Nous-21e siècle, Daniel Breton, filed a complaint to Sûreté du Québec against Jean Charest’s government, which he accuses of committing “The Theft of the Century”.

Some economists argue that the exploitation will never happen because, were this to be the real deal, Junex and Petrolia’s actions would be skyrocketing. A Pétrolia report clearly demonstrates how the stagnant or declining value of its shares had nothing to do with the exploitation potential of the area and was rather related to speculation. When asked the following question:


“Is the share’s performance a speculative movement or does it reflect the company’s actual potential?”


Pétrolia president André Proulx answered:


“As far as I’m concerned, without the ongoing uncertainties regarding oil and gas in Québec, and the province’s reputation on the market, the share would still be going up. Or at least it wouldn’t be dropping like it does now. Like I said earlier, political uncertainty was one of the factors explaining the drop. Truth is the market interprets the government actions from the last year as a moratorium on gas and oil. Others quite simply feel like Québec is opposed to the exploitation of its resources.”

Citizens from Quebec launched among other things, a petition requesting an immediate moratorium to avoid irreversible environmental damage (link to the petition in reference hereafter).

 

3.
Energy Resources

Privatizing energy resources is an antidemocratic procedure, since they were nationalized in 1962. Denying the 1962 referendum mandate, which was never modified, the Charest government accelerated the transfer of natural resources to private companies (often foreign companies - see point 5, 17).  With no mandate, behind our backs and apparently for almost nothing, this government is ceding rights on oil (see point 1), gas and even wind energy development.


5.
Environmental liabilities and contaminated grounds

According to the Auditor general of Quebec’s report for year 2011-2012, environmental liabilities of the government went from 468 millions $, in 2006, to 3,2 billions $ as of October 31st, 2011. This amount is a part of the provincial dept (3). The environmental liabilities equal the sum which would be needed for the contaminated grounds rehabilitation for which the government of Quebec is responsible. The liabilities concern 2401 grounds contaminated by quarries, in particular for ancient mines exploited in the North of the province. 

Furthermore, Charest’s government refuses to publish the list of companies possessing a contaminated ground in Quebec and which refuse to pay for having the decontamination works done. It is thus Quebeckers who end up paying for this gigantic bill.


2.
Exploration and exploitation of the shale gas

The Quebec government sold underground exploration licenses at bargain price to gas companies largely foreign to Quebec without informing the population. The very vast majority of these licenses were given up for an annual cost of 10 ¢ per hectare (ha). As from the fiscal year 2014-2015, the expenses of the licenses to exploit will pass from 0.10 $ to 0.50 $ per ha, or 50 $ each square kilometer, for the first five years of exploration, and from 0,50 $ to 1,50 $ per ha for the following five years.

The territory affected by the underground exploitation licenses amounts to 3 781 564 ha for a total of 9 062 873 ha all in all for Quebec. Twenty six gas companies shared among themselves the Quebec territory, six of which began drilling activities, in 2010. In 2010, more than 500 licenses were granted in the Saint Lawrence valley, which is the area where a majority of the population and the best farmlands of the province are concentrated. According to the data provided by the ministry of Natural resources and Wildlife, for all the emitted licenses, Quebec would have cashed 887 123,75 $ for the 2010-2011fiscal year. For 2009-2010, the amount collected for about 8 200 000 ha subjected to a license amounted 807 519,42 $, a figure similar to that of 2006-2007. Thus less than a million $ a year so far.

On 21 reports presented during one of the ‘bureau des audiences publiques sur l’environnement ‘(BAPE), only one, aside from the one of the APGQ, went in favor of the schale gas industry whereas the majority demanded a moratorium (like in France). Before the BAPE commission, besides the low royalty fees, the risks for the environment that could provoque a large-scale exploitation of the shale gas was also brought to question. Gaëtan Carrier, expert invited by the Ministry of Health and social services of Quebec (MSSS), told that cases of contamination of the groundwater during the fracturing of the rock arose repeatedly in the United States. The MSSS also raised the risks of contamination of the air and the " technological risks " such as explosions, fires, leaks and spills. Let us note besides the use of very large quantities of drinking water, the waste water treatment (chemical soup) required as well as the risks connected to the loss of land income taxes caused by well drillings close to homes. Moreover, citizens by the hundreds as well as municipalities saw (and still see) bewilderment of their land by companies drilling in their back yards without having any recourse against them, because these companies previously obtained licenses from the government. Example of contesting, more than 20 000 property owners of the Saint-Lawrence valley forbade the industry of the shale gas the access to their grounds.

In defiance of the law about quality of the environment, the Charest government tolerates among other things, hydraulic fracturing practices in shale gas wells. According to the data provided by the opposition, Quebec accounts 18 broken wells while only two of the shale gas wells (those of Gentilly and Bécancour) obtained an authorization certificate for the hydraulic fracturing. Furthermore of the 31 wells inspected by the ministry of Natural resources, 19 had natural gas emanations. These wells were drilled by Talisman Energy, Gastem, Canbriam, Questerre and Canadian Forest Oil since 2006.

Despite the fact that the Charest government and tenors of the industry repeat over and over that shale gas exploitation represents a fabulous economic basket for Quebec, the commissioner asserts that nothing allows to conclude that the exploitation effect of this fossil source of energy will be positive. According to him, "The reports relative to the economic effects and to the expected royalty fees do not allow to demonstrate in a satisfactory way that profits are superior to costs for the Quebec society ".

In spite of an overwhelming report presented by auditor general in 2011, the unsuitable technology, the weak royalty fees and justified public anxieties the Charest government goes ahead and finds even "interesting" to invest in this controversial industry. Indeed, in the light of the Bachand budget, it seems moreover clearly that the government did not draw a line on the exploitation of schale gas resources in Quebec.


 

4.
Wind Energy – The Siemens Case

In 2005, André Caillé and Thierry Vandal (Hydro-Québec), Pierre Corbeil (Minister of Natural Resources) and Jean Charest turned down Siemens’ partnership proposal. Siemens is a worldwide reference in wind energy. The firm proposed a $4.5 billion investment and the creation of at least 2500 permanent jobs. Siemens’ planned on building a factory in Saguenay-Lac-St-Jean and a research center in the metropolitan area. The 3000 MW were to be produced around the La Grande-4 hydroelectric generating station and in the Manicouagan region. Because of this, the proposal was a real alternative to the Rupert River diversion. Siemens intended to transform Québec into a wind energy production center for all of North America, a market that should triple by 2020.


6.
Law on Sustainable development

The report of the Auditor general of Quebec (AGQ) (commissioner to sustainable development) for period 2010-2011 underlined that, in spite of the sustainable development Law adoption in 2006, the principles of sustainable development had gained little consideration from the government. He indeed noticed that the principles of sustainable development defined in the law are still too often ignored by the government services or applied too partially.

The 2011-2012 report of the AGQ is even more critical. According to him, many data are incomplete or erroneous, rendering of the accounts is deficient (performance indicators analysis) and objective of the greenhouse effect (GE) reduction which is unlikely to be reached in 2012 are among the aberrations. Indeed, Quebec invested $1.5 billion in the fight against climate change and is about to add some $2.7 billion according to the last budget. According to commissioner to Sustainable development, the MDDEP is however unable to verify whether the measures it finances are effective and which greenhouse gas reductions they create.

Contrary to what the government claims, it is difficult to assert that Quebec will reach its objective of (GE) reduction this year. The serrated data fluctuated between 2005 and 2009,which is the last year for which figures are available. From 2005 till 2007, emissions remained practically stable - they went from 86 to 87 megatons. They decreased during the next two following years of the economic crisis. In 2009, they were of 82 megatons. The commissionner regrets that such data be used to conclude that the action plan is efficient.


Plan Nord

7.
Plan Nord – Nationalizing investments, privatizing profits

Public investments profit foreign multinational companies that extract non-renewable resources, native territory is destroyed and the rights of the Innu people of Maliotenam are not respected. This community held two referendums on a deal with Hydro-Québec, the deal was rejected both times. Now, they are facing charges if they try to disturb the construction sites. What about social acceptability, important part of sustainability?

According to Michel Chossudovsky, President and Director of the Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG), the wealth of the North will be sold to “private investors” for cheap. Public and private investments: $82 billion over 25 years. Government funding from 2012 to 2015: $1.6 billion. “Sales campaign” cost: $500 million over 5 years, to get the interest of private partners. Plan Nord is consuming a good portion of public spending, benefiting multinational companies with massive financial support.


9.
Ressources Québec

Creation of Ressources Québec, a subsidiary of Investissement Québec. It will be in charge of doubling public participation mostly in the oil and mining industry. Public investment will jump from $500 million to $1 billion in 5 years (see points 14, 16, 77).


11.
Plan Nord Conciliator

The Ministry of Education pays $288 090 for Claude Godbout’s expertise, using him as a conciliator (over-the-counter contracts) for Plan Nord, avoiding calls for tenders.


8.
Stornoway - Diamond Mine

More or less $300 million will be spent on a road leading to a diamond mine North of Chibougamau. The gouvernment will pay most of the bill, investing no less than $287 million in the project, 8 million more than what was announced in the original Plan Nord investment and infrastructure plan (see point 16). This mine could be worth over $5 billion (no transformation to be made in Québec). The Budget anticipates the construction cost of this 243 kilometers road at $331.6 million, about $1.4 million per kilometer.


10.
SECOR and IRIS

SECOR estimates major economic spinoffs from Plan Nord, around $147 billion. The Institute for Socio-economic Research and Information (IRIS) expects a deficit of $2.3 billion over 25 years. IRIS is a non-profit organization and claims to be independent, while SECOR is a big consulting firm with international reach that the Charest government has hired several times.


Economy and fiscality

12.
Caisse de Dépôt – Shady Investments

The Caisse de Dépôt et de Placement du Québec (Québec deposit and investment fund) lost $40 billion. The CDPQ continued buying asset-backed commercial paper (up to almost $900 million), after being warned about the imminent collapse of that market. In 2008, Henri-Paul Rousseau quitted, to be hired some time later by Power Corporation (the Desmarais Empire in which the CDPQ had invested $537 million, including $131 million on Total Enterprise, where Paul Desmarais acts as an administrator.) Moreover, the Caisse de Dépôt invests against Kyoto objectives and Québec’s “green” aspirations, in favor of such products as shale gas and oil sands.

 

14.
Quebec’s Debt – Charest’s 33%

Québec remains the province with the biggest debt in Canada ($173.3 billion on next March 31st), which now represents 54.6% of its GDP. Because of the heavy deficit planned for this year ($1.5 billion) and the addition of a new $3.6 billion spending, Québec estimates the gross debt to be $10.5 billion heavier this year. Within 12 months, it will go from $173.3 billion to $183.8 billion. Many believe that this government is responsible for 33% of the debt. Debt became the third most important budget heading. 

In a report published in winter, 2012, The Monitoring center of public administration revealed that between 1999-2000 and 2005-2006, the net debt increased with an annual average rhythm of 2,9 %. This growth was then lower than the average annual progress of 4.1 % of the GDP (GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT) during the same period. The year 2008-2009 however marked a reversal of trend.

Indeed, between 2007-2008 and 2008-2009, the net debt increased by 3,1 % while the growth of the GDP was limited to 2,3 %. The tendency that the net debt has to grow more than the GDP continued in 2010-2011. On this occasion, the net debt met a 6,1 % increase compared with the previous year, that is to say an increase superior to that of the GDP(4,8 %).

 

16.
Wealth Indicators – Revenu Québec

Revenu Québec’s wealth indicators project is used to crosscheck billions of personal information, aiming to recover millions of unpaid taxes. However, most of the interventions target small businesses, while the big guys can sleep easy. Two Revenu Québec employees anonymously confirmed the existence of questionable “quotas”. According to them, employees are expected to recuperate a minimum of $500 per hour. This threshold varies with seniority and can reach $3000 per hour in certain regions. 


18.
Capital Taxes – Financial Institutions

Capital tax as been progressively reduced under Jean Charest’s government, starting in 2007 until its abolition in 2011, while the 6 banks that operate in Québec generated $25 billion in profits last year.

 



 

20.
Financière Agricole (FADQ)

Five mega-hog farmers (integrators) were given $86 million by the Financière Agricole (FADQ). Meanwhile, family owned farms and small producers are struggling. 

13.
Fee Increases

In an attempt to reach the Canadian average, estimated at $36 billion, the Charest government instigated a significant fee increase operation on public services. In a companion memo to the public services financing bill, the government pointed out how the current prices generate $21 billion per year. Now, to reduce a debt that grew under him (see point 3) and fill in the $15 billion gap between Québec and the ROC, fees are increasing everywhere.
 

1. Tax rate by $140 million
2. Driver’s license by $501 million
3. Contribution to Québec Parental Insurance Plan by $124 million
4. Child care expenses by $170 million
5. School taxes by $165 million
6. Prescription drug insurance by $173 million
7. Electricity prices by $971 million
8. Birth, death and marriage certificates
9. Wine and spirits cost (SAQ) by $15 million
10. Hunting and fishing licenses by 15%-21%
11. Sales tax by 2%
12. Tuition fees by $100/year since 2007 and 82% hike over 7 years 
13. Fuel tax by $0.01/lt per year
14. Health contribution now $200


By the way, this infamous “health tax”, imposed to all taxpayers to finance health establishments, will become a large piggy bank destined to fund pretty much anything that more of less touches on health care. Announced in the spring of 2010, the “Health Establishment Investment Fund” should be used exclusively for health and social services establishments. Two years (and $825 million taken from the taxpayers’ pockets) later, we are dangerously far from the initial proposal. The fund keeps its name but could be spread across the entire health system, as stated in a recently tabled bill. That allows the money to benefit “any other participant to the designated health and social services system” and “any other initiative that contributes to maintaining good quality and accessibility of health and social services”. 


 

15.
Tax relief – Businesses

In 2011, QLP granted $3.6 billion out of tax relief to businesses. Between 2002 and 2008, Québec allowed $624 million out of tax benefits for mining companies. Future generations will end up paying back the capital investment of Québec’s businesses. Let us note that in recent years, international mining executives designated Québec as the World’s most attractive jurisdiction for mineral exploration, according to a survey by the Fraser Institute. The Auditor General’s report also revealed that Québec gained less in royalties than what was spent in subventions and tax reliefs. In April 2009, the Auditor’s report was devastating on the topic of mining royalties in Québec. While the mining industry was soaring up and generating over $17 billion, between 2002 and 2008, Québec only received $259 million from mining royalties. This is less than 1.5% of the gross value of production.

 

17.
Rio Tinto Alcan – Electricity Contract and subsidies

RTA, which escaped the nationalization of Québec’s hydroelectric power network, is the owner of 3 electric power plants on Saguenay River. With a lease renewed until 2058, it is also a tenant in 3 other plants on Péribonka River, combining a total capacity of 3000 MW. When Rio Tinto bought Alcan in 2006, the Charest government renewed a 345MW energy contract (buying surplus) from 2023 to 2045, and then awarded them another 225WM contract and a zero interest loan of $400 million. In 30 years, financial benefits granted to Rio Tinto Alcan almost doubled, going from $333 M to $587 M. Meanwhile, the number of jobs went from 12 646 to about 7000.


19.
Tax Rate – Businesses VS taxpayers

Right now, in Québec, the tax rate for corporations is 28.4%, one of the lowest in North America. In 2012, it will reach 26.9%. While the big businesses get their taxes reduced, the bill for an average Canadian family has increased by 1624% since 1961. As a comparison, in the same stretch of time, housing costs have increased by 1198%, food costs by 559% and clothing costs by 526%. At the moment, the middle class is taxed at 42% (Qc+Canada) for earnings between $40-80 000. Moreover, businesses contribute to 21% of the State’s income and the taxpayers take on the remaining 79%.
 

  

Education

21.
Student movement and special law 78

Along with a $200 million cut in the education system, tuition fees were raised by 82% although the Parent Report suggested tuition freeze, paving the way to free education. As opposed to common belief (see points 31, 32), students refuse the raise largely because of the misappropriation of public funds by this government (see points 4, 8, 25, 38) and its impressive generosity towards businesses and financial institutions (see point 5, 6, 7). On May 14th, Line Beauchamp quit (see point 30), due to her inability to resolve the conflict. Michelle Courchesne took over (see point 13). On May 16th, Jean Charest announced a special law (see point 23) that would suspend the semester for striking establishments and other questionably democratic measures. According to Amnesty International, “unprecedented powers granted to Québec police by a new special law violate the rights to free speech, peaceful assembly and association, and therefore constitute an infringement to Canada’s international obligations.”


Adding to that, Christophe Catherine argues that the Charest government made use of the 10 media manipulation strategies (as enounced by Noam Chomsky), in order to control public opinion.


 

23.
Police Brutality and Repression

Many instances of brutality, abuse and repression, including on children and elderly (gas and club), were reported. Some policemen failed to respect their Code of Conduct. Unjustified mass arrests. No condemnation from the government. Since the beginning of the student crisis, more people have been arrested than during the October crisis (FLQ), while the War Measures Act was in force. Amnesty International estimates that “all the wounds, many serious wounds, the repeated and premature use of spray gas suggest the use of excessive force by the police corps.” The organism also denounces “the large amount of arrests that could be considered arbitrary, according to the circumstances.”


25.
The Education Reform

The Education Reform (instigated by Parti Québécois and reformed as “Educational Renewal” by QLP) was poorly done. The small snippets of data made available by the Minister of Education hint at disappointing results. The success rate for Épreuve uniforme de français (MELS uniform examination in French) at the last year of primary education went from 90% in 2000 to 83% in 2005. This leads us to believe that QLP’s Education Renewal gives negative results.


27.
University management and rectors’ salaries

Donald Cuccioletta was accused of plagiarism and fired by the State University of New York, in Plattsburgh, in 2004. The Raoul-Dandurand Chair at UQAM then rehired him. Is this the best we can do? McGill rector Heather Munroe-Blum, who is the head of about 42 000 scholars, gets paid 3 times more than the Prime Minister Jean Charest, who is the head of 8 million Quebecers. It can also be noted that a rector at Université Laval received a 43% raise just before the Bachand budget and its tuition hike. That doesn’t include travel and housing expenses, and other social benefits. Compiled documents obtained by virtue of the Freedom of Information Act show that rectors, vice-rectors and deans cashed in $942 304 in total severance pay.

Since 2000, 45 Concordia senior administrators and external boards representatives donated at least 342 566$ to Quebec's major political parties. Of that amount, 330 231$ went to the QLP, representing 96 % of all contributions. 


29.
Funding – English Schools

30% of the Education budget is destined to English schools, i.e. 8% of students.


 

31.
$550 Million gold mine – Education

Québec received $550 million from the federal government, to fund grants for university and college students. This money was spent elsewhere.
 

22.
Anti-Student Associations Propaganda

To promote an anti-student associations message, the government bought 2 radio commercials, as well as google keywords “grève étudiante” (student strike), “FEUQ”, “FECQ” and “ASSÉ” (the 3 big student associations), to direct google search towards governmental website www.droitsdescolarite.com. These two initiatives cost $400 000 in total.


24.
Bill 101

The decline of French language as the standard for outdoor commercials signs has been significant in the last two years, according to an important study by Office Québécois de la langue Française (“Québec Board of the French Language”). In Québec, French is the mother tongue of less than 80% of the population. The last time Statistics Canada has seen such a low percentage was in 1931. The proportion of families who speak French at home has also decreased between the 2001 and 2006 censuses, going from 83.1% to 81.8%.


In the Island of Montréal, the proportion of native French speakers just dropped below 50%. Moreover, only 54% of Montréal homes speak mostly French in the kitchen, regardless of their mother tongue. 


26.
School drop-out

Early school drop-out plague is expanding in Quebec since the liberals came to power, according to information obtained for year 2009. In 2003, before taking the power, the liberals of Jean Charest had made of the fight against school drop-out, one of the major priorities in their program. Mr. Charest had then made a commitment to increase the rate of diploma holders. In this regard, in 2009, Quebec showed the worst performance of all Canadian provinces right after Manitoba, according to Statistics Canada. The phenomenon continues to strike more the boys than the girls. In 2009, over all province of Quebec, we estimate that approximately one boy out of four left school without any diploma, compared to 15 % for the girls. On a total of 72 school boards, there are only 14 (19 %) where the rate of boys drop-outs shows a level of 20 %. The worst picture appears in native milieu, while during observation period the drop-out rate jumped up from 78 to 80 % at the Kativik school board and from 70 to 91 % at the Shouts’.

According to the Charest government, the rate of school drop-outs is in decrease in Quebec. However, the manipulation of the data and the calculation methods used are being put into question by numerous people concerned by the matter. Furthermore, how is it possible to know the real rate while in February, 2012 minister of Education refused to supply the number of drop-outs for about half the public schools of Quebec?

School drop-out has a price, as much for those having no diploma as for the entire society. Cost per drop-out: $500 000. That is the conclusion that economist Pierre Fortin came to while presenting his works during a conference about school drop-out. Despite enormous cost involved for society, the 2012-13 Bachand budget has planned no investment whatsoever to remedy school drop-out in Quebec.
Is it because he still believes, like he did in 2010, that school drop-out is all the parents’ fault?
In this regard, according to Laurier Fortin, professor at the education department of Sherbrooke University, ‘the most powerful factors that can explain school drop-out lie first and foremost on school itself’.’


28.
Îlot Voyageur

Within 5 years, budget for the Science Complex and the îlot Voyageur went from $392 million to $728 million. UQAM rector Roch Denis resigned in 2006, with the cost overruns under investigations. Despite that, he received a generous $173 000 million severance pay (see point 25). After wasting over $510 million on this project, the government spent another $60 000 to hide an abandoned part of the building.


30.
Funding – Private Schools

Charest planned on funding Jewish private schools to 100 per cent, same as public schools, in order to “promote cultural exchange” (2005). He changed his mind when confronted to public opinion. Still, regarding private schools in general, they are usually 60% funded by public. In addition to those subsidies, more programs and tax credits to parents or school owners are other expenses that are too often missed in the discussion on private schools funding. The private clientele is increasingly richer and the high-income families ($100 000 and over) benefit most from the tax credits.


Minister of Education Michelle Courchesne (see point 13, 72) increased the subsidy accorded to some private schools even though they would not comply with the ministry’s funding criteria. She did this when she was supposed to cut in public funding. In some cases, the same schools were involved in the 2009 events that had Courchesne admit, after denying it, that she modified the school calendar to accommodate six private Jewish schools who refused to comply with the funding criteria. Some of these schools even operated without a permit, therefore illegally.


32.
Interactive White Boards

On February 23rd 2011, Jean Charest surprised everybody when he announced a $240 million program to furnish interactive white boards to elementary and high schools. A year later, most of the white boards have been ordered, in an unusual manner, to a single producer: Smart Technology. Lobbyist for Smart Technology, Martin Daraîche, is a former member of the Charest cabinet and vice president of National (see point 66). He now acts as a lobbyist, particularly for Québec Oil and Gas Association, with two other former liberal advisors.


Health system

33.
CHUM (UDM Hospital Center)

Contributing to commercial deficit, the construction contract for the CHUM ($2, 089 billion) was given to foreign firms. Health Montréal Collective, made up of four outside firms (two British, one French, one Spanish), was hired by the Charest government to build, fund and maintain the new CHUM in a private/public partnership. We recently learned that the collective is under investigation by the “Québec Board of the French Language” (Office de la langue française) for non-compliance with Bill 101.


35.
CHSLD : Management and generous contracts

The bad management of CHSLD causes losses of tens of millions of dollars every year, concluded the interim auditor general, Michel Samson, after an investigation in the Montreal and Quebec regions. In these two regions, 827 patients could live in resource intermédiaire (RI) rather than live in CHSLD. This would save $27 million, says the interim auditor general. Michel Samson also says that half of the patients of the four RIs that he has visited could remain at home if homecare were accessible.


Hyman Polansky, a Montreal businessman, has obtained 3 generous contracts from the Agence de la santé et des services sociaux de la Capitale-Nationale, without a public bidding process, to manage a private CHSLD. In total, the three contracts pertain the rent of 256 places at $360 million over twenty years, an annual cost of $70,300 per patient. According to information obtained from the Directeur général des élections, Mr Polansky is also a contributor to the Liberal Party of Quebec (see point 9).


 

34.
Executive Salaries – Health Establishments

The total payroll for executives in health establishments has reached the $1 billion plateau in 2010-2011. This means a 29% raise in 5 years. In 2010-2011, 14 374 people had an executive job and were eligible for a bonus. “There certainly are too many executives, says Dr Paul Saba, President of the Coalition des Médecins pour la Justice Sociale (Coalition of Doctors for Social Justice). We see it everywhere, managers managing other managers. The money should be used of health care for patients.”


36.
Philippe Couillard: Health reform

The Couillard reform forces the fusion of health care institutions (nursing homes with CLSCs and hospitals). Due to cuts in services, prevention and social services are more than ever the poor relations of the health system, operating practices are less democratic and personnel are demobilized. Let’s not forget that these forced mergers took place in 2004, following passing of Bill 25 under closure (see point 23), in December 2003.


Construction sector

37.
Charbonneau Commission – Construction

After refusing to launch a public inquiry into allegations of corruption in the construction industry, Jean Charest changed his mind months later. A former government official from the Executive Council and Jean Charest cabinet veteran is now a key member of Charbonneau Commission. Alain Lauzier worked at the Executive Council for 11 years as a deputy secretary-general, before retiring in June of 2010. 


39.
Tony Accurso: Public procurement

The restructuring of Tony Accurso’s companies not only allows him to continue to obtain public contracts, but it could also deprive the IRS of $ 45 million. Prior to filing for bankruptcy protection, Simpler (company purchased by Accurso) survived through massive injections of public funds. The Quebec government has injected (and lost) millions of dollars into it. In other words, Simpler’s financial losses, which are being used by Accurso’s group in order to lighten his tax bill, have been largely accumulated from public funds.


41.
David Whissell

Liberal member in Argenteuil’s riding and former Minister of Labour David Whissell is leaving politics. He found himself in the heart of a controversy when some media reported on public contracts representing hundreds of thousands of dollars awarded to ABC North Shore without call for bids. The concrete came from a factory owned by ABC North Shore, the company in which former Liberal MP David Whissell has indirect interests, being the beneficiary of a blind trust that owns 20% shares of the company. The contract for concrete work on montée Fassett’s viaduct, located on Highway 50, was contracted-out to ABC North Shore by a general contractor who had obtained the contract through a tender. In addition to contracts awarded either through competitive bidding or OTC representing over $ 30 million within a four years period, ABC North Shore also obtained several subcontracts on government building sites.


While he was Minister of Labour, Mr. Whissell has also been the target of allegations concerning alleged visits on the boat of rich building contractor Tony Accurso (67, 68), recently arrested by the UPAC. Although he admits to having met Mr. Accurso occasionally (without giving precisions), Mr. Whissell has always denied the allegations of cronyism.

 

38.
Corruption

Radio-Canada’s Enquête, in an episode about Plan Nord, exposes fraudulent calls for tenders and stories of land sold for the fifth of its value, as well as contacts “for sale”, privileged information and the list goes on. In this April 19th 2012 broadcast, former political organizer Pierre Coulombe is caught on hidden camera. He talks about selling privileged information on Plan Nord (see point 16) and his connections to Jean Charest and his government. Pierre Coulombe can be seen on tape shaking hands with Jean Charest and whispering through his ear. After the inquiry crew revealed themselves to him, he avoided the cameras and later said he made up the story for his own benefit. Both questioned on the private conversation they had, Charest and Coulombe came up with different answers. The show was also able to confirm the fact that Pierre Coulombe did meet with deputy minister for mines Pierre Gaudreault. Looking back, Pierre Coulombe was also chief organizer for Stephen Harper’s Conservatives in Québec from 2006 to 2008. This earned him a front-row seat to the controversy when the party’s funding methods were considered illegal by Elections Canada.


Also, in an article published in 2011, Normand Lester says: “A former RCMP agent, who took part in international investigations regarding the Italian police, told me that the mafia’s influence within QLP and the construction industry in Québec was comparable to similar institutions in Sicily.” Former Chairman of the Executive Committee of the city of Montréal, Frank Zampino, construction contractor Paolo Catania, as well as Bernard Trépanier, former top fundraiser for Gérald Tremblay’s party, were all arrested during “Operation Hammer”. Interesting coincidence: from 2000 to 2008, the Catania family, important part of the construction world, as well as some of the company’s executives, donated over $150 000 to the liberal party. It makes you wonder about the cost overruns of 20%-30% that take place in construction sites.



40.
Tony Accurso: Cement plant

With the help of members of the Colacem Canada Inc. society, including Italian donors and the multinational Simest SPA, Tony Accurso, who is also vice president of Colacem Canada Inc. makes plans for the construction of a cement plant in L'Orignal. This takes place even though both Simard-Beaudry and Louisbourg Construction, two companies owned by Tony Accurso, had their licenses suspended by the Régie du Bâtiment du Québec (RBQ) for tax evasion.


42.
Patrice Servant

Patrice Servant, speech writer for Jean Charest, resigned in 2011 as he felt "uncomfortable relaying the government's position which is not in the best interest of citizens."


Regional issues

43.
Gentilly II – Power Station

Hydro-Québec CEO Thierry Vandal could not confirm that the mending of Gentilly 2 will cost less than $3 billion. The projected cost for these repairs was $850 million. However, Mr. Vandal announced that the project would exceed $2 billion. 


45.
Jeffrey Mine

A $58 million loan guarantee was granted for the relaunch of Jeffrey asbestos Mine, in the town of Absestos. That is after this industry has made thousands of victims and caused many deaths in Québec only. Moreover, Balcorp president Baljit Chadha, main promoter of the mine relaunch, organized a fundraising event for QLP (see point 9) with Prime Minister Jean Charest in 2009. The cocktail party was held in Westmount, in the private residence of Balcorp president, and collected an estimated amount of $20 000.


47.
Suroit and Bécancour Project's

In 2004, the government decided to shelf the Suroit power project. At the same time, the construction of a thermal power plant in Bécancour was announced. Since the new plant was being built in a high-risk industrial park (next to Gentilly power station), no protest was organized there. Five years later, it is revealed that the Suroit plant was useless, and that Hydro-Québec is still stuck with a $150 million annual bill to be paid to Trans Canada Energy, even though no electricity is being produced. To make things worse, Hydro-Québec Distribution president admitted that this project had something to do with the rise in electricity prices. They followed through, even after being warned that the project was useless.


Also, minister Clément Gignac has came to terms with the fact that $1.8 billion will be lost in the next few years. This amount will be added to another $800 million already paid by Hydro-Québec to compensate multinational TransCanada Energy.


49.
Eastern Commuter Train Line

In 5 years, costs for this job went from $300 M to over $715 M. By revising the project (for instance removing a station planned in Charlemagne), Québec hopes to reduce the cost to $671 million. Following this fiasco, Joël Gauthier, head of Montreal’s public transit authority (AMT), resigned and switched to the private sector. Interesting fact, Mr. Gauthier was director general of the Liberal Party when Jean Charest came to power.


51.
Levinoff-Colbex butcherhouse

The Levnioff-Colbex butcherhouse, located in Saint-Cyrille-de-Wendover, has suspended its activities for an undetermined period due to financial difficulties after having received almost $30 million from public funds. The government insured its survival since 2010 by guaranteeing its credit to be $10 million, while the three Cola brothers, then managers gave themselves salaries estimated at over $2.5 million. The Cola family had contributed in an important manner to the Liberal Party of Quebec’s funds (9) in the past few years, moreover they were involved in the daycare scandal (13). In ten years, members of the family had donated $141,500 to the Liberal Party of Canada (9).


53.
Highway 30 - Section Candiac / Ste-Catherine

Between Candiac and saint-Catherine, we always intended to build the highway 30 in urban zone, in the axis of 132, northward because this plan was considered at the same time less expensive and of lesser impact on the environment and the farmlands. 

However, in 2003, the government of Quebec changes to the hands of the liberals. The plan of the highway as well. It will be shifted to pass henceforth in the South, in rural areas, in the midst of agricultural grounds, while grounds along 132 were already expropriated and paid for since more than thirty years. The liberal government maintains this project in spite of almost unanimity among participants at public audiences of the BAPE in 2005 (that is 251 reports out of 252) rejected the plan proposed in lands by the Quebec ministry of transport (MTQ) and in spite of a very great majority demanding the return to original plan of the highway 30 onto road 132. 

Furthermore, the Charest government ignored three negative opinions from Agricultural protection board of Quebec (CPTAQ) in this case. The CPTAQ insisted that the south plan of the highway 30 was incompatible with the protection of arable lands. In their opinion, ‘going on with the section construction of road 30 is incompatible with the protection objectives of the territory and the agricultural activities, according to the criteria of law ". 

According to the main ecologist groups "the impacts of the construction project of highway 30 through farming lands have not been the object of sufficient analysis during the audiences which were held in 2002 and the ‘Commission de protection du territoire agricole du Québec’ had pronounced against the construction of the south plan in farmlands. In this case, Quebec still goes against the conclusions of her own board which is a nonsense in terms of sustainable development ".

Finally, the total cost of the original north plan of route 30 was estimated at 217 millions $ while the south plan costs 435 millions $, which is more than double. Overspendings were moreover already observed in this case.


44.
Québec Amphitheatre

The new amphitheatre in Québec City will receive $200 million, possibly not a profitable investment. Québec will receive 15% of profits, but will also cover 50% of losses.


46.
Mont Orford

Semi-aborted privatization of Mont Orford. The park has been reduced by 459 hectares. In 2006, Minister Béchard, with a 30 minutes notice, showed up in Magog and announced an international call for tenders regarding the sale of a part of Mont Orford, with the help of Bill 23 (gag rule, see point 23).


48.
EBI Landfill

The Charest government accepted EBI’s expansion project, increasing the landfill capacity from 9 to 20 million tons in 25 years, ignoring BAPE (Environmental Public Hearings Board) recommendations. BAPE considered the project inacceptable as it endangered local agriculture. It also didn’t consider the three pillars of sustainability and worked against government policy on waste management. 


50.
Subway Cars

In 2006, the government wanted a mutual agreement with Bombardier on the subway cars contract. However, in 2008, French company Alstom contested the method and won before a Superior Court. A Bombardier-Alstom consortium was born, and then contested by the Chinese in 2009, which asked for a legitimate international call for tenders. In 2010, the Spanish contested as well. Basically, for not following legal procedures, the project was delayed by a four-year nonsense. Adding to that, Québec taxpayers paid $1.9 billion instead of the $1.2 billion that was originally planned. Now, construction cost adds up to $4 million per car, rather than the $2.6 million announced by STM.


52.
Highway 73

On November 11th, 2009, the Charest government adopts decree 1180-2009 which authorizes Ministère des Transports to use for other purposes than farming lots situated in agricultural zone for the continuation of Beauceville highway 73 to Saint Georges. Citizens opposed to the project were however proved right with the courts to make this project stop. Project which did not respect the quality laws of the environment and the protection of the agricultural territory.

The superior Court underlined in particular that by deciding to substitute itself for the Commissionde protection du territoire agricole ( CPTAQ), without respect for the procedures planned in the law, the government deprived the applicants of the right to be heard and to dispute the decisions which dispossess them of the property. The Court concluded that the government did not respect its procedural obligations and that decree no 1180-2009 had to be cancelled.

To invalidate judgments of the Court obtained in favor of the opponents and to assure the continuation of the works, the liberals adopted project of special law 2 ( 23 ) which authorizes the construction of the highway 73 on the " east layout " of the Ministère des transports, in a sector remote from Beauceville. Note that the same department had initially opted for the "western" plan, which passes near Beauceville. This choice had even been confirmed by the CPTAQ.

Charest government was strongly criticized by the representatives of the Bar of Quebec in this case. These last ones denounced retroactive character of the special law which was adopted. Jules Brière, a lawyer of Quebec, asserted looking still the " upper motive for public interest " which would justify to turn to it.

Finally, on June 1st, 2011, on the eve of the adoption of Law 2, Transport Minister Sam Hamad, took the commitment to undertake discussions with citizens who had been proved right with the administrative Court of Quebec and superior Court so that they are exactly and fairly compensated. In September, 2011current Minister, Mr. Pierre Moreau, repeated this commitment. As of now, the opponents received no compensation for the reimbursement of judicial expenses about 120 000 $ which they incurred pointlessly given the adoption of Law 2 by the liberal government.





Governmental organization

54.
Free Trade Agreement – Natural Resources

Signing of a free trade agreement with the European Union (CETA), threatening our resources without consultation. Since 2009, negotiations between the European Union, Canada and Québec regarding a free trade agreement are antidemocratic. Louis Roy, CSN president (Confederation of National Trade Unions) pointed out: “It all takes place in great secrecy and even members of Parliament (federal and provincial) do not have access to the transcripts.” Québec Network on Continental Integration (RQIC) found and shared some documents on its website, with information on the state of discussions, notably offers from Québec and Canada to Europe. These documents lead to believe that the government might give in to European pressure and open the sub-federal markets, meaning that contracts for public goods and services, cities, organisms, public corporations, would become everybody’s business.


56.
Michael Sabia

Caisse de Dépôt CEO receives $1.78 Million in salary (see point 2, 71).


58.
Freeware

As it has been demonstrated in several countries, renewal of 738 000 computers in the Quebec government services represents an opportunity for the government "to reduce its dependence to Microsoft " and make savings estimated at 450 millions $ thanks to freeware. In spite of the adoption, in 2011, of law 133 on the importance to promote freeware in the government services, the government Charest launched in March, 2012, a call for tenders which favors only the products of the multinational Microsoft to the detriment of the free solutions. The cost of this migration (software under private license) is valued at 1.4 billions $ while initial cost was fixed at 800 millions $.

In 2010, this practice was considered illegal by the superior Court of Quebec. The court indeed underlined the incoherence of the government which, while recognizing the economic and structural advantages of the software by free access, has difficulty making place for this technology in its process of contracts attribution, and that, for the benefit of multinationals (Microsoft) and the owned software rights associated to its use at highly expensive " exclusive license rights".

It is following that, that in June, 2011, the National Assembly adopted law 133 about the governance and the management of computer resources for public organizations and governmental companies, in which freeware represents an important mean " to insure the sustainability of the governmental digital heritage ". While being at it, the Treasury Advisor decreed in particular a moratorium on any renewal of Microsoft licenses in the province of Quebec. Well determined, Ministers assembly adopted decree number 1111-2011 modifying law 133. This decree allows the government not to go by the standing procedure, but to forge ahead with a call for tenders exclusively reserved for Microsoft to equip all members of parliament and their staff, ignoring, at the same moment the law 133 and the moratorium decreed by the Treasury Advisor. It is QuébecLeaks who made the decree public that was ‘kept a secret by the government ".

Note that according to public register of the lobbyists, Microsoft hires, since December, 2008 an important lobbyist from Quebec city, named Martin Daraiche (48) who comes from National, a communication business (66), in order to influence the " legislative and statutory proposals " in favor of Microsoft and position the company in the governmental calls for tender. National is a firm managed by Luc Ouellet, Jean Charest’s old friend (66). He acts in particular as specialist in the governmental relations with several important customers of the firm (66).




60.
Prosecutors Strike

Chief prosecutor for the Organized Crime Bureau, Claude Chartrand, resigned following the passing of a special law (see point 23) forcing prosecutors and lawyers back to work. They were asking for an additional 200 prosecutors to get in line with the supply in other provinces. According to the Auditor General, the number of pending files has increased by 127 000 in 5 years.


62.
Rights of the citizens and the immunities

In its first assessment of the right in Quebec, presented in January, 2012, the Bar of Quebec expresses its concerns about "the erosion " and " the disintegration " of the rights and the fundamental freedom of the citizens and invites these last ones to press their elected representatives.

The Bar tells in particular that it is afraid of an everyday acceptance of the immunities of pursuit granted to some to the detriment of the other citizens deprived of access to the courts to assert to right their rights. The Charest government granted in 2004, and prolonged until 2017, the immunity to groups of citizens mainly based on economic interests. We think here of municipalities, owners and users of out of road vehicles which, according to the limits of the Law on out of road vehicles, are shielded from pursuits. As an example, in 2004, the superior Court of Quebec had ordered the closure of a snowmobile path on a 38 km distance in the MRC of the Laurentian. Judge Hélène Langlois had also condemned the government to pay 1200 $ a year to every person living in a distance less than 100 meters of the linear section of the park as compensation for the inconveniences caused by the passage of numerous snowmobiles near houses, day and night . To avoid any other pursuits, the government had given the immunity to the snowmobile riders the same year.

A disturbing breach for all the citizens, according to the Bar of Quebec, because these immunities of pursuit keep certain categories of citizens shielded from the courts by denying others any recourse.

Finally, the Bar of Quebec worries about the access to the justice for all. Mainly for reasons of costs, is it now harder and harder to go to court and assert to right one’s rights. The delays for processing a file incite many citizens to give up their rights. This general acknowledgement puts in danger the respect of the right’s principle of superiority.


64.
Traffic Signs

Traffic signs replacement was a $760 million job. Call for tenders were issued before the adoption of the governmental guidelines regarding accommodations for “aging drivers”.


55.
Bastarache Commission

The Bastarache Commission, which was launched the day after allegations from Marc Bellemare and cost $6 million, was inquiring on possible influence from QLP funders (see point 9) in the judicial appointments process, when Bellemare was working for Charest’s Liberals from 2003 to 2004. The commission’s report revealed that the judicial appointments process lacked transparency and was susceptible to influences, notably the candidates’ political allegiance.

The name of Franco Fava, big QLP fund raiser and construction entrepreneur, was at the heart of this scandal. He would have pressed senior officials to influence governmental appointments.
 

 

57.
Computerization - The health file and other matters

Excluding controversial case of Santé Quebec, seven computer projects bound to Quebec’s public services administration and adding up to 152,5 millions $, are presently identified as being "in trouble" by the Treasure Advisor. An internal document of the Treasure Council reveals that the " initial revised cost " of the integrated System of the justice ministry, amounts for it alone 105 millions $. Three of the considered problematic projects are related to the Public trustee.

Since 2004, Quebec spent in particular 3.5 billions $ on 6900 technology contracts. More than half the value of all contracts went to three big firms: TELUS, DMR and CGI. Marie-Eve Doyon, spokesman of the Minister responsible for governmental services agreed that Quebec spends approximately 1,2 billions $ a year in technology – maintenance or development contracts or "hardware".

As for the Quebec Health file (Dossier de Santé Québec) (DSQ), in 2006, it was supposed to cost 563 millions $ and be completed by 2010. In the end it will cost some 1,5 billions $ and will not be totally ready before some more years. Launched in 2006, the ambitious project of computerization of all Quebecers health file " is a failure " said categorically Auditor general of Quebec in a report he handed to the National Assembly. Four years after DSQ was launched, only a quarter of these contracts ($100 million value) were completed. Bell Canada obtained approximately 100 millions $ in equipment purchase contracts and advising services. It’s Bell Xwave subsidiary took the lion's share with 81,5 millions for the " provincial deployment of the ‘Visualizer ".

According to the Bar of Quebec the use and update of a central database (DSQ) which allows to identify the user as well as his/her medical history, has no true utility and obviously infringes on the user’s right for privacy. The Bar considers in particular that the government misses transparency and did not tell everything about the objectives pursued with the computerization of the personal files and the possibility that sensitive personal information might be made easily accessible to healthcare professionals. For some, in its current shape, the DSQ constitutes a threat to the citizens’ private life and could cause prejudice to infringement of fundamental rights recognized by the Charter of the rights and liberties.

Following uncountable delays, a devastating report from the Auditor general of Quebec in 2010 and several costs revisions constantly rising, the Quebec Health file (DSQ) system was finally put in use in the Montreal area in March, 2012.


59.
Revenu Québec – Image

Revenu Québec spends 4.5 million on its image. Also, the Agency paid $20 000 for the creation of a logo, which can be seen on the 2011 income tax return. The spending is explained by the intention of “creating a new brand identity”.


61.
(FIER) regional investment funds

Nearly 6 millions $ that were to serve creating jobs) in Saguenay and in the Lac Saint Jean ended up in companies of the Montreal area belonging to liberals.

The Boreal regional Investment fund (Quebec’s FIER fund) intended to support the economy made seven out of its eight investments in companies of Longueuil, Brossard, Montreal or Saint Eustache, etc. Several of which companies belong, in all or in part, to long-timer liberals such as Pietro Perrino ( 73 ), former manager parting for the ‘NO’ side and Jean Charest’s advisor. Financial transactions were made openly and publicly to the board of directors of Investissement-Québec-FIER where sit in particular Jean Sébastien Lamoureux, ex-liberal delegate and former associate of Monique Jérôme-Forget, and, former liberal minister Lisa Frulla.

Pietro Perrino is a shareholder of four companies which obtained the financial help of the FIER - BOREAL: Toptent (1 million), Zoommed (300 000 $), Ranaz (630 000 $) and Systèmes BUS (375 000 $).  It is also the case of Valier Boivin, also director of FIER - BOREAL and close to the PLQ. Investment Quebec asserts not seeing any problem in the fact that two liberal personalities, Pietro Perrino and Valier Boivin, are shareholders of four companies in whom invested the regional economic Intervention fund (FIER-BOREAL) of Saguenay-Lac-Saint-Jean, administrators of which they are. The Quebec agency supports indeed that these investments do not violate its policies regarding conflicts of interests. Prime Minister Jean Charest insisted in particular that Mr Perrino and M.Boivin acted in accordance with rules that are established and known for how FIER goes about. Mr. Charest even added that he would foresee no change in the rules that allow the administrators of FIER to invest in their own businesses.

Let us note, that according to the official site of Investissement Quebec-FIER, Pietro Perrino now coordinates the FIER activities of the Laval area. Finally, according to the information available on the site of the DGE, since 2002, Mr Perrino gave $4450 to the Quebec liberal party election funds (9).


63.
MAPAQ - Showers

The ministry of Agriculture (MAPAQ) renovated its Quebec offices for the sum of $367 107 A cost, supposedly made a "necessity" by the fashion update of six showers and the addition of four more ceramic showers. The sum includes the custom made curtains at 146 $ per section , for a total of: $2336 in the midst of budget cuts. 


Political ethics

65.
QLP – Political Contribution

QPL confirmed that its 26 ministers have to collect $100 000 per year. That would be $2.6 million. During a partisan political gathering, Mr. Charest personally handed the “exemplary militant” prize to Louis-George Boudreault, who was later arrested by Québec’s anti-corruption unit UPAC. In 2011, the same Mr. Boudreault received two charges from the province’s chief electoral officer, for illegal financing. In 10 years, Mr. Boudreault donated $5385 to QLP. Also arrested, Écolosol president Normand Trudel, close to Tony Accurso (see points 67, 68), had organized a fundraising activity for QLP, in 2004. Jean Charest made an appearance at this $1000 per ticket event. In total, $107 500 were collected. Mascouche Mayor Richard Marcotte, who now has a warrant for his arrest, was a Liberal candidate in 2003. It should be noted that the Desmarais family (who controls a big chunk of Québec’s media) and the Catania family contribute generously to the QLP campaign fund (see point 8).


Interestingly, contributions to the Liberal campaign fund double when QLP is in power. This is a unique situation, considering that Parti Québécois’ contributions change very little whether it forms the opposition or the government. As an example, 30 executives and engineers from Groupe Roche (figureheads?), a firm that specializes in engineering & construction, donated $227 025 to the QLP campaign fund between 2000 and 2009. For the same period, Groupe Roche donated under $45 000 to Parti Québécois.


67.
Influence of Surveys

Jean Charest’s office tried to influence online surveys to his advantage.

69.
SECOR : A QLP friend

Philippe Couillard (see point's 61, 62), former minister under Charest, joined SECOR in 2011(see point 18). He works as a strategic advisor to both Canadian and foreign clients in the health and life science fields. Andre Caille currently holds a position on the Board of Directors of Junex (see point's 1, 63) and acts as consulting partner to SECOR. The current Minister of Finances, Raymond Bachand, is the former CEO of SECOR. Let us remember that the firm SECOR is retained by Mr. Charest to assist in the Plan Nord development ... (see point 16).
 

 

71.
Shale gas industry : A QLP friend

The industry of the shale gas is filled up with personalities revolving very close tor the several Ministers’ office of Quebec’s liberal government in orto to promote this industry to the same government. And here is a list: 

Stéphane Gosselin: links with the government: he was a principal private secretary to Minister of the Economic development, Clément Gignac. Links with the industry: he became a manager of the oil and gas Association of Quebec ( APGQ) the Monday following the Friday when he resigned from his principal private secretary's office.

Martin Daraiche: links with the government: was political secretary of Nathalie Normandeau, former Minister Natural resources minister and vice prime minister. He was legal and political affairs adviser to Jean Charest's cabinet in 2007. Links with the industry: he is chief advisor in governmental relations for the account of a firm called National since 2008. He makes lobbying in favor of shale gas and is involved in the white interactive boards file.

Lisa Lavoie: links with the government: she was co-deputy director to Line Beauchamp’s office at the time, when she was Environment Minister. Links with the industry: she is a public relation adviser for the firm National.

Daniel Gagnier: links with the gouvernemnt: he was a principal secretary of Prime Minister from 2007 till October, 2009. Links with the industry: he is advisor to the albertain company Talisman as member of a consultative committee "to support" the activities of the company in Quebec.

François Pilote: links with the government: he is a close friend and a former lieutenant of Jean Charest in Ottawa then in Quebec. Links with the industry: he obtained an important lobbying contract for Talisman through his firm GVM Group

Daniel Bernier: links with the government: he was a principal private secretary of Minister of Tourism, Françoise Gauthier, from 2003 till 2005. Links with the industry: he is a vice-president of the GVM Group and he is a lobbyist for the account ofTalisman.

Sylvie Paradis: links with the government: she) was in the circle of Jean Charest’s circle of acquaintances at the beginning of 2000s, in the cabinet of the opposition leader. Afterwards, she then joined GVM Group, where she acts more precisely as consultant for the liberal Party of Quebec, among others in the 2008 elections. Links with the industry: she is a vice-president to the GVM’s management which takes care of the Talisman contract.

André Ryan: links with the government: Me Ryan is Jean Charest's lawyer at the Bastarache inquiry ( 11 ). Links with the industry: Me Ryan incorporated the APGQ in May, 2009. He had no contact with the APGQ thereafter.

Raymond Savoie: link with the government: Mr Savoie was a Minister of Mines, Natives, regional Development and Income under Robert Bourassa’s the liberal government between 1985 and 1994. Link with the industry: he is director of the Executive Board of AGPQ. Since 2002, he is a chairman and CEO of Gastem, a division of Ditem specialized in oil research and exploitation.

Stéphane Bertrand: links with the government: he was a principal private secretary of Jean Charest from 2003 till 2007 and cabinet director and economist, person in charge of the press relations to the vice-minister of Finance and the Privatization as well as in the cabinet of the Quebec Minister of Cultural affairs. Links with the industry: he participated to the creation of the APGQ. He also directed the project about the construction of a gas generated power plant for electricity production, Le Suroit (45).

Samuel Murray: links with the government: From one day to the other he went from being lobbyist for a natural gas multinational to becoming director of Quebec’s liberal Party contents ( QLP). Having worked for Talisman gas, he( is now in charge of supervising strategic elaboration of QLP’s political positions and its electoral platform. Links with the industry: until March 12th, 2012, Samuel Murray acted as lobbyist for main customers of the GVM Group.

Marie-Claude Johnson: link with the government: she worked in the political offices of the liberal government from 2006 till 2008, as political attaché of Minister Raymond Bachand and Monique Jérôme-Forget. Links with the industry: she makes representations with the government for the Questerre Energy gas company.

 
 


73.
Daycare Scandal

Tony Tomassi (see point 73) and Michelle Courchesne (see point 72), two former Family ministers, were involved in a scandal on the attribution of daycare licenses. In a chocking report submitted to the Assembly, Renaud Lachance declared that the process for attributing publicly subsidized licenses lacked rigor and “left a lot of room for subjectivity”. Ms. Courchesne chose against her officials for 21% of the projects she received. This means 85 projects (3700 child care spots), some of them presented by Liberal contributors.

Ms. Courchesne (see point 30) granted 130 spots to Joe Magri, a childhood friend of Tony Tomassy. If you look at the Laurentides, contributors to the QLP campaign fund presented all four projects chosen by the minister. Finally, the Cola brothers (Jack, Louis and Philip), involved in the Levinoff-Colbex scandal (74) and also QLP contributors (see point 9), found themselves owners or shareholders of 13 daycare centers (1000 spots), in addition to buying a 60 spots project from Nourith Salonichios, another QLP contributor.


 

75.
The BCIA incident – Tony, Luigi, Delorme and Dupuis

This private agency insured security at the SPVM headquarters and other offices of the police since 2006 until it went under bankruptcy protection in 2010. It was declared bankrupt after receiving over $16 million of investments in which $4 million came from the Fonds d’intervention économiques régionaux (FIER), created by the liberals (85). However it seems that Mr Coretti used his management employees to donate thousands of dollars to the Liberal Party of Quebec (9) when his friend Tony Tomassi (13) was MNA for LaFontaine. It must be noted that BCIA was in the beginning a small company with 4 dozen employees and it reached a thousand employees because of contracts and public investments.


Luigi Coretti bragged that he was the reason why Yvan Delorme was hired as Chief of Police. According to him, it was made possible by his friend Tony Tomassi who put him in contact with Minister Jacques Dupuis (64). In March 2005, the cabinet, under the recommendation of the Minister of Public Safety, hires Mr Delorme. Coincidence? According to information obtained from an investigation on Mr Delorme, it was revelaed that Mr Delorme knew Luigi Coretti for a while. Before his nomination as Chief of Police, Mr Coretti had invited him in a fancy Italian restaurant, and after his nomination, the Chief had met in private Mr Coretti more than once. In 2010, both men had met at least once, at Mr Coretti’s high security Laval house. The investigation also reveals that Mr Delorme had influenced the other municipalities around Montreal so they use BCIA’s services. It must also be noted that Frank Zampino, who was recently arrested by the UPAC (8), was in the selection committee for the Chief of Police.


When he was Minister of Justice, Jacques Dupuis nominated the sister-in-law of Pietro Perrino (85) to the superior court. He is a famous liberal, friend and ex-advisor to Jean Charest and administrator of two FIER that invested millions in Luigi Coretti’s BCIA.


Finally, the ex-minister, and friend of Mr Coretti, Tony Tomassi involved in the daycare scandal (13) has been accused of fraud and abuse of confidence for using for personal reasons a credit card belonging to BCIA. The Sûreté du Québec notably arrested in June 2012 Luigi Coretti for fraud and fabrication of false documents. The presumed frauds are thought to be committed between 2005 and 2010. The 47 year old from Laval will face four charges, including two for frauds over $5,000, one for false declaration and one for fabrication of false documents. 


77.
Luc Ouellet: National

Luc Ouellet, a friend of Mr. Charest for the past 25 years, and Associate Director of Public Relations National (see point 48), was granted lucrative government contracts. National billed $ 6,400 for a one minute speech delivered at the National Assembly by Clement Gignac, Minister of Economic Development, Innovation and Export Trade. The Liberal leader is said to have attended Mr. Ouellet’s wedding to Ms. Gagnon, who is currently employed in the Prime Minister’s office. Mr. Ouellet has been involved in fundraising for the PLQ. In a letter from the Liberal Association of Jean Lesage, it states that Mr. Ouellet will contact them for a benefit cocktail party. Since 2001, Mr. Ouellet has given $ 21 000 to the Liberal Party (see point 9). His wife, employed in the Prime Minister, has also contributed $ 15 000 to the Liberal Party’s kitty (see point 9).


79.
Payroll minister's personal staffs

Since they are in power, Jean Charest’s liberal party blew up the expenses associated with the functioning of the government, according to the data obtained by The Canadian Press through the Executive Board by virtue of the Law about access to the information.

So, in six years, the total payroll granted on minister's personal staffs alone, increased by 30 %. In 2003, regarding remuneration, the political staff of the liberal government cost to the taxpayers 18.9 million $, against 26.4 million $ at present (2009). The government made the invoice for salaries of the political employees climb by $3.8 million, shortly before they announced an increase of the sales tax and rates) for 2011, and while the Quebeckers are already heavily taxed (4, 7).


66.
Gag rule

The Charest government makes outrageous use of the gag rule when passing laws against the will of the opposition parties, who speak for the majority of the population. In Québec, the “gag”, or exceptional legislative procedure, is a National Assembly procedure that allows the government to obtain the rapid passage of some measures by limiting debate time.

1. Bill 25: Hospital, CLSC (Local Community Service Center) fusions

2. Bill 23: Privatization of Mont Orford

3. Bill 31: Organization of police services

4. Bill 40: Balanced budget and accounting reform

5. Bill 43: Public education and municipal tax

6. Bill 103: Charter of the French Language

7. Bill 115: Language of instruction

8. Bill 100: Budget and deficit

9. Bill 78: Right to protest

10. Bill 135: Prosecutors strike
11. Bill 142

12. Bill 2
13. Bill 124  

68.
The Desmarais family : A QLP friend

Premier Jean Charest admitted to being a guest more than once at the Desmarais family, at Sagard, the estate of Power Corporation’s CEO. Premier Charest refuses however to specify the moment and object of these meetings. Moreover, the office of ex-deputy premier, Minister Line Beauchamp (see point 30, 54, 56), confirmed that she too had visited the same estate twice. Lastly, M. Michael Sabia (see point 2, 54) admitted having spent an entire week-end. Let’s not forget that the Desmarais are important donors to the Liberal Party of Quebec for many years (see point 9) and that the Caisse de depot, managed by Sabia invests greatly in the companies owned by the Desmarais.

70.
Roche: A QLP friend

According to a study done by Québec solidaire, three dozens of managers and employees (whose names were used), from the engineering firm Roche, donated no less than $227,025 to the Quebec Liberal Party between 2000 and 2009 (see point 9). Roche, which was involved in the Boisbriand scandal (see point 58), is also very important because Sam Hamad, Quebec’s Minister of Transport, once worked as its Vice President (1988-2003).

72.
Sponsorship Scandal

Louis Pichette had to resign from the Charest cabinet after receiving $8000 from a communication firm. Michel Guitard and Claude Lemieux, both employed by the prime minister’s cabinet, were also mentioned in this case. Advisor for Jean Charest, Mr. Guitard was working for the Everest Group when Auditor General Sheila Fraser was about to expose the sponsorship scandal. In the case of Mr. Lemieux, who is now deputation director of the cabinet, he was working for Alfonso Gagliano between 1997 and 2002, right where the Gomery Commission was looking at. Another name that came out during the Commission was France Dionne, former Liberal candidate in Kamouraska-Rivière-du-Loup, who is also a cousin of Jean Charest’s wife. Luc Bastien, director general of Justice minister Yvon Marcoux, resigned. He was hired by Commando Communications and paid $10 000, for a project that served Charest’s 1998 campaign, when he switched to provincial politics.


 

74.
Mayors’ Salaries

Mayors inflated their salaries by 30% or 40%, with the bonuses that come with it. The National Assembly members, who know a thing or two about massaging numbers, voted for the Loi sur le traitement des élus municipaux (Wages for elected municipal representatives Act).


76.
QLP Resignations – Bonuses

Sadly, this advantage is only available to high society workers. Normal citizens can only hope to receive employment insurance when they quit. This is an insurance we all pay for, by the way.

 

Monique Jérôme-Forget: $146 000 and retirement without penalty

Jacques Dupuis: $150 000 and retirement without penalty

Nathalie Normandeau: $150 000

David Whissell: $137 000

Tony Tomassi: $122 000

Line Beauchamp: $150 000


78.
Argenteuil 2012 : complaint to the DGE

The Directeur general des elections du Québec (DGE) has received a complaint for a violation of Electoral law in the by-elections of Argenteuil in 2012. The plaintiff, the Syndicat des professionnels du gouvernement (SPGQ), alleges that some of its members, workers at the ministère de l’Éducation, des Loisirs et du Sport, have received the instruction to do research work for the Liberal Party of Quebec. Let’s not forget that the Liberal candidate, Lise Proulx, was the press agent for David Whissel, ex-MNA for Argenteuil and ex-minister of Work, and that he was involved in a conflict of interest with the company ABC Rive Nord, in which he is a shareholder (see point 59). 


80.
Franco Fava - A QLP friend

Franco Fava is known as one of the most important fund raisers of the liberal Party of Quebec (QLP). The companies which belong to members of his family obtained over the past eight years more than 780 millions $ worth of contracts on the part of Hydro-Québec. Neilson inc ., the former company of Quebec liberal Party’s fund raiser, obtained in particular contracts adding up to 200 millions $, in consortium with EBC, for the construction of the Peribonka power plant , north of the lake Saint Jean. 

In January, 2007, the same consortium also got a $80 million contract from the James Bay power company, in particular for the diversion of the Rupert river.

A year earlier, Neilson had put the hand on two contracts adding up 39 millions $ from Quebec Transport Ministry for the continuation of highway 50. Neilson gives up one of his contracts of A-50 to the firm ABC, among which former Employment Minister, David Whissell, is a co-owner through a trust company.

Let us note that Franco Fava intervened with the first state employee of the Quebec government, Gérard Bibeau, to suggest him candidates to governmental appointments. Mr Fava's name was moreover at the heart of the Bastarache inquiry regarding judges appointment.


Candidates, MPs and Liberal ministers

81.
Jean Charest’s salary

In 2006-2007, political newspaper Le Québécois revealed the value of residences owned by Jean Charest and argued that with his Prime Minister salary, he could not afford his current lifestyle. With the available documents, and knowing that it costs $30 000 to rent a house around Lake Massawippi, it had been established that Jean Charest needed an additional $75 000 per year. Amazingly, QLP President Jean D’Amours (guilty of lobbying, see point 69) issued a press release regarding $75 000 paid to Jean Charest every year since 1998. This amount comes from a secret QLP fund and aims to prevent the Prime Minister from being “tempted” by corruption. They trust him that much…


83.
Michelle Courschesne: Sports development

Michelle Courschesne (see point 13) has shown bias towards giving subsidies for sport infrastructures between 2007 and 2010. For instance, a renovation project for a pétanque field in the electoral district of liberal ex-MNA Tony Tomassi (13), has received a subsidy of $100,000. Coincidence? The administrators of the centre, including Giuseppe Borsellino, have donated $33,120 to the Liberal Party of Quebec in the past few years (9). The current minister of Education, Minister Courschesne, has been the target of a second report by the Auditor General in only six months. The interim auditor general, Michel Samson, revealed that the Ministry of Education has rejected 418 projects before they were analysed by public servants. The auditor general also judged that the minister, who is also president of the Conseil du Trésor as well as deputy Premier has abused her power and mismanaged funds in an arbitrary manner.


Moreover, according to parliamentary opposition, the distributors of a product preferred by Minister Courschesne in this issue have become donors to the Liberal Party of Quebec. The distributors had never donated to a political party before 2007, where, just like those who had obtained places in daycares, a scandal which Minister Courschesne was involved in (13), they started donating to the Liberal Party of Quebec. 


 

85.
Line Beauchamp : Mafia

Minister Line Beauchamp has breakfast with a member of the Mafia, Mr. Arcuri. According to Donato, she did know the identity of the alleged Mafioso involved in her fundraising. If Beauchamp was to bear a name of Italian origin, her financing, in which the alleged mafia Domenico Arcuri participated in 2009, would have triggered a UPAC police investigation. This is what claims Donato Tomassi, former Liberal Party organizer, and father of former Minister of Family Tony Tomassi, charged with fraud and breach of trust (see point 13). However, the QLP has no intention to return money received from Mr. Arcuri and his family ($ 13,270 between 2002 and 2009), since they didn’t know he was a mafia boss.


87.
Philippe Couillard : Persistence Capital Partners

Philippe Couillard, former Health Minister, resigned in 2008. Two months later, he was recruited by the firm Persistence Capital Partners, a private equity fund in the healthcare field. Prior to his resignation, the Cabinet had just adopted, at its recommendation, two changes in regulations encouraging private clinics.


89.
Julie Boulet

College of pharmacists confirmed that liberal Minister Julie Boulet, current social Minister of Employment and Social Affairs, violated article 3.05.08 of the profession’s ethic code while she was Health vice-minister. Julie Boulet kept her pharmacy, which cost her post, when it was found out that her business had received, free of charge, medicine dispensers on behalf of a pharmaceutical company. She had in particular admitted having supplied free of charge premises of her pharmacy to doctors. Nevertheless, the College of pharmacists did not lodge a complaint against Minister. Mrs.Boulet returned to the Ministers office in September of the same year, having sold her pharmacy. 

Mrs Boulet has among other things be the target of assertions concerning supposed visits on the boat of rich construction entrepreneur Tony Accurso, recently arrested by the UPAC, while she was Transport Minister. Mrs Boulet always denied those pallyness allegations.


91.
Nathalie Rivard - Candidate Rosemont

Official agent of the liberal candidate in Rosemont, Nathalie Rivard, was convicted on two counts of indictment to have violated the electoral Law of Quebec. Nathalie Larocque-Talbot was accused of having made a false statement and of having omitted to produce supporting documents during the election campaign of the candidate Nathalie Rivard, in 2008. Mrs Larocque-Talbot was condemned by the judge with a $1500 fine. Judge also deprived Larocque-Talbot of her election rights for a five- year period.


93.
Georges Mamelonet: Gaspe deputy

Besides being accused of illegal sea urchin fishing, liberal deputy George Mamelonet was questioned about some conflict of interests assertions. According to Oceans and FisheryCanada, the Gaspe deputy would have broken the fishing Law in August, 2011. Indeed, Mr. Georges Mamelonet fished urchin or the sea near Percé’s quay to supply his restaurant, during more than 10 years, without a permit. It is to note that Mr Mamelonet was until February, 2012, parliamentary assistant to the Quebec ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food (MAPAQ).

Furthermore, liberal deputy of Gaspé Georges Mamelonet made the Municipality pay for the taxes of Water-sports club without authorization of the City Council. Mr Mamelonet was then mayor of Percé and president of the Water-sports club.

 

95.
Raymond Bernier - Montmorency Deputy

Yvon Girard, the political attaché of liberal Deputy of Montmorency, received two reports of breach from Quebec’s Chief Electoral Officer ( DGE). Mister Girard is accused of having produced false receipts in March, 2008.

According to the DGE, the donations came from companies while receipts would have been made in the name of individuals. Les Gestions Michel Fortier inc. and Limo bus inc., companies of the Quebec area, each made an illegal contribution to the Quebec liberal Party, according to the DGE. In exchange, two persons obtained receipts in their own name. Michel Fortier is the owner of Gestions Michel Fortier inc., Jean Dumont is the spouse of Limo bus inc’s owner.

"The blamed breach constitutes fraudulent vote-catching manoeuvres ", states the report emitted by the DGE.

Quebec liberal Party pleads honest error.

At that time, Yvon Girard was volunteer for the Quebec liberal Party ( QLP). Since then, he was hired by liberal Deputy of Montmorency, Raymond Bernier.

97.
Transport Minister-Pierre Moreau

From the very first days following his election, Transport Minister, Pierre Moreau, finds himself in an embarrassing situation. During the 2008 election campaign, his district organizer in Châteauguay, Daniel Rochette, was also head of the engineering consultant firm Genivar.


In December, 2008, a few days prior to the general ballot, Mr Rochette gave an interview to the Soleil de Châteauguay. The newspaper presented him as " assistant to Genivar's Vice-President". 


Rochette admitted being in his 20th election campaign since the midst of the 80s, while he had helped "his friend Jean-Marc " Fournier (currently Quebec Minister of Justice ) during a federal ballot. Mr Rochette specified he did not get paid for his work as organizer. "But it certainly creates a whole network of contacts ", he declared to the Soleil before adding: "It provides openings and makes it easier, for example, to invite politicians for fund raising activities."

From 2008 till 2011, engineering consultant firm Genivar as well as consortiums to which it belongs, obtained up to $12,6 million in extra on contracts obtained from the MTQ.


Top of the list of numerous times exceeding costs records since 2008, we find three engineering consultant firms.


Génivar being the very first one.

 

 

99.
Michel Rochette and Karl Blackburn

On August 15th, 2012, in a desperate gesture and in front of their imminent  electoral defeat, two employees of the QLP, Michel Rochette, president of communications and Karl Blackburn, chief managing and organizing director, launched a web site 100 % copied at liberaux.net.


By PLAGIARIZING the completeness of the entire content as well as the Web design of the web site www.liberaux.net, the Quebec liberal Party:

 

1) Steals the intellectual property and violates copyright.

 The license attributed to the www.liberaux.net site involves certain legal measures:


You are free to:

 

  • share - to reproduce, to distribute and to communicate the work
  • remix - to adapt the work
  • to use this work for commercial purposes


According to the following conditions:

 

  • Attribution - You have to attribute the work of the way indicated by the author of the work or the holder of the rights (but not the way which would suggest that they approve you or your use of the work).

  • Sharing- in the Same Conditions - If you modify, transform or adapt this work, you have the right to distribute your creation under a license identical or similar to this one.

 


By putting a copyright on its forgery –stolen internet site, the QLP does not respect the applicable license.

 

2) Demonstrates to what point the QLP is afraid in front of the public-spirited power.

 

If the www.liberaux.net web site is only ‘ besmearing’, why does QLP grants it so much importance? Why did it not try to censor it at the very beginning of the election campaign? Why doeswww.liberaux.net web site disturbs so much the liberal Party? Why to feel the need to refute hundreds of mentioned newspaper articles?
 

3) Lies

 

" The vastest anonymous ‘besmearing’ operation on the Web "

 

The vastest operation? The liberaux.net site is a mere inventory of QLP’s doubtful practices and does in no way at all constitute an "operation". The liberal Party of Quebec tries once again to manipulate the information in order to control public opinion in its advantage.

 

"Unknown person" ? Nevertheless Geneviève TARDY appears everywhere. Great anonymity!

 


Besmearing? Hundreds of journalistic references which served to write articles prove that the QLP does not need anybody, it is very well capable of getting dirty by itself, with complete impunity.

 

82.
Nathalie Normandeau: Boisbriand Plant

Against her officials’ advice, former Minister of Municipal Affairs, Nathalie Normandeau, allocated a grant of $11 million for the Boisbriand water treatment plant. Funny coincidence: Lino Zambito, who is himself facing several charges in the cases of Boisbriand, as well as engineering consulting firm Roche (see point 70), which acquired the contract for plans and construction of the Boisbriand plant, organized five fundraising evenings for the former Minister Normandeau.


84.
Line Beauchamp’s Family

Line Beauchamp’s husband and her family own Gaz Métro and Enbridge bonds. Both companies were partners in the Rabaska methane project, in Lévis.


86.
Nathalie Normandeau : Grant Thornton

The former Minister of Natural Resources and former Charest’s right-hand adviser, Nathalie Normandeau became VP of Strategic Development (Plan Nord see point 16) of Raymond Chabot - Grant Thornton accounting firm.
 

88.
Jacques Dupuis: BCIA Permit firearm

In 2008, the Minister of Public Security, Jacques Dupuis, received at his office the boss of the security agency BCIA (see point 73) Luigi Coretti, who was seeking help to obtain a permit to carry a weapon as Managing Director of the subsidiary Centurion (permit previously denied by the SQ). The Minister claimed that he had advised Mr. Coretti he could not intervene in this matter. Nevertheless, he arranged a meeting with his chief of staff, Jocelyn Turcotte, a former SQ. Following that meeting, Mr. Coretti finally got satisfaction.


90.
David Grégoire: Illegal campaign financing

David Gregory, the defeated candidate of the Liberal Party of Quebec in the riding of Masson, concedes having received cash on two occasions to finance his election campaign in the general election of 2008 (see point 9).
 

92.
Jean D'amours

The former president of the Liberal Party and Liberal Member for Rivière-du-Loup, Jean D'amours (see point 27), admits being guilty to an offense under the Lobbying Transparency and Ethics Act. In addition, Mr. D'Amours has been convicted of impaired driving on the 24th of September 2008, the evening preceding a PLQ’s general assembly in Lévis.


94.
Dominique Vien - Minister of social service department

Daniel Vien, cousin with the appointed Minister of governmental Departments, Dominique Vien, claims to have been a victim of pressures on behalf of a political attaché of Mrs Vien so that he contributes to the funding of the liberal Party of Quebec. In an interview granted to Radio-Canada radio station, Mr Vien told that he requested the assistance of the Bellechasse deputy on three occasions in 2003 and 2004 as president of a local water-sports club.

Mr Vien did not seek for financial help but rather tried to get familiar with the various governmental services concerning the management of a dike on lake Saint Charles. He said that on every occasion, a political attaché of Mrs Vien would have induced him to get involved into some funding activities for the Quebec Liberal Party’s benefit.


96.
Karine and Yvon Vallières - Richmond

Karine Vallières, liberal candidate in Richmond and daughter of current deputy and liberal Minister Yvon Vallières, currently has to struggle for her integrity. Indeed, in 2010, her spouse , Martin Breault, was condemned by the Quebec court, to serve 18 months in the community for having cheated his former employer meats Laroche Asbestos for $220 000. Martin Breault, who was a clerk- accountant and later controller for Laroche, admitted to have cheated the company by producing and using false documents. He was crossed off of Quebec accredited accountants in management (CMA) in September, 2009.


Let us note that Meat Laroche inc. has obtained financial aid in the amount of $235 363 from the Quebec government, in November, 2011, that is only 1 year after Mr Breault had been convicted. This subsidy was announced by Yvon Vallières, Minister responsible for Canadian intergovernmental Affairs and of French speaking Canadians and Access to the information, father of Karine Vallières and Martin Breault’s father-in-law.

Finally, at least one person, namely Martin Baller, had announced his intention to compete for the liberal nomination in Richmond prior to Karine Vallières’ arrival. In spite of this opposition, Mrs Vallières was appointed liberal candidate directly by the Prime Minister’s office, without any nomination process.



98.
Former Megantic-Compton Deputy- Daniel Bouchard

In September, 2005, former Liberal Deputy, Daniel Bouchard, recognized having broken Quebec electoral law on 12 occasions. He was condemned to pay 7500 $ in fine. Mr Bouchard so admitted having used the SADC funds as payoffs for two electoral contributions he had made himself to the liberal association of his district.


Deputy Bouchard also recognized having incited eight other employees of the organization to use the same stratagem on ten occasions between 2001 and 2002, and having approved these expenses.


Besides his disputes with the DGEQ, Mr Bouchard was also condemned for fraud towards insurance companies Allianz Canada and The Capital by presenting false claims. He was also blamed for having used forged invoices.


Let us note that, following the first assertions of frauds carried against him, Mr Bouchard left the Liberal Caucus of the Jean Charest Government to sit as independent.


 

100.
Norbert Morin and Gaetan Caron - Montmagny-L'Islet

The persons in charge of festivals in  Montmagny-L'Islet have financed the  Quebec Liberal Party (QLP), while a subsidy had just been granted to them. A liberal organizer, Gaétan Caron, also suggested to these volunteers to get their contribution reimbursed straight from the budgets of their festivals, which is illegal.

 

To thank the liberal deputy of the area, Norbert Morin, four presidents of  different organizations gave 2000 $ to the QLP following the subsidy their events had received . The village of Saint-Jean-Port-Joli obtained, indeed, from various governmental levels, more than 1 million dollars to set up an outside big top for various festivals.

 

The liberal organizer, Gaétan Caron, asserts having acted in good faith by trying to help Deputy Norbert Morin.

 

He refuses to believe that this type of financing sends the message to citizens that if they want to obtain subsidies,they also have to finance the Quebec Liberal Party.